Bowe v. United States
Can Congress pass a law that prevents the Supreme Court from reviewing certain decisions made by lower federal courts?
The U.S. government argues that Congress has already done exactly that for a specific type of prisoner appeal. At issue is a law designed to bring finality to criminal cases by making it extremely difficult for prisoners to challenge their convictions a second time. A key provision, 28 U.S.C. § 2244(b)(3)(E), states that a federal appeals court's decision to grant or deny a prisoner's request to file one of these second challenges "shall not be appealable" to the Supreme Court. The government contends this language is an explicit and absolute command from Congress, stripping the Supreme Court of its power, or jurisdiction, to hear such cases.
The prisoner challenging his conviction, Mr. Bowe, argues that any law limiting the Supreme Court's jurisdiction must be exceptionally clear, and this one is not. His lawyer points out that the jurisdiction-stripping rule is located in a section of the law dealing with state prisoners, not federal ones like his client. Several justices, including Sotomayor, Kagan, and Kavanaugh, seemed to agree that this ambiguity might be a fatal flaw in the government's case, repeatedly pressing the government on the "clear statement rule" required to limit the Court's authority.
This creates a fundamental constitutional tension. The Constitution's "Exceptions Clause" explicitly gives Congress the power to make exceptions to the Supreme Court's appellate jurisdiction. Justice Barrett pushed back against the idea that the Court's "essential function" of unifying federal law could override this clear constitutional power given to the legislative branch. The case forces the Court to decide just how clear Congress must be when it wants to close the courthouse doors, weighing its own role against the power of a co-equal branch of government.
When a federal prisoner wants a second chance to challenge their conviction, do the same strict rules that apply to state prisoners also apply to them?
A federal prisoner, Mr. Bowe, is asking the Supreme Court to rule that the answer is no. He argues that a specific rule being used to block his appeal, which automatically dismisses any claim that was raised in a prior challenge, does not actually apply to him. His argument is based on the plain text of the law: the rule in question, § 2244(b)(1), explicitly states that it applies to habeas corpus applications filed under § 2254, the statute used exclusively by state prisoners. Federal prisoners like Bowe use an entirely different statute, § 2255, to challenge their sentences.
The government argues that this distinction is irrelevant. It contends that the statute for federal prisoners directly incorporates the gatekeeping "procedures" from the state prisoner statute. In the government's view, this means the entire package of rules is imported, including the one automatically dismissing repetitive claims. Several justices appeared to find this logic persuasive. Justice Alito, for example, worried that allowing prisoners to pick and choose which rules apply would "make a hash of the procedure that Congress has prescribed" and undermine its goal of promoting speedy, final outcomes in criminal cases.
This dispute over statutory plumbing has significant implications. Historically, federal law has maintained separate procedural tracks for state and federal prisoners, partly out of respect for state court judgments, a principle known as federalism. The petitioner claims Congress intended to preserve this distinction. The government claims Congress intended to create one single, highly restrictive gateway for all prisoners seeking a second bite at the apple. The outcome will determine the procedural hurdles for thousands of federal inmates.
If a law says a court's 'denial' of a request cannot be appealed, can a prisoner get around that ban by arguing their request was 'dismissed' instead?
The attorney for a federal prisoner, Mr. Bowe, has offered the Supreme Court this precise textual argument as a potential off-ramp. The law at the center of the case states that a court of appeals' "grant or denial" of an authorization to file a second appeal cannot be reviewed by the Supreme Court. In Mr. Bowe's case, the lower court used the word "dismissed" to reject his motion. His lawyer, Mr. Adler, argued in his rebuttal that this difference in wording creates a loophole, allowing the Supreme Court to take the case because a "dismissal" is not a "denial."
This argument was met with considerable skepticism from the bench. Justice Kagan characterized the attempt to distinguish between the two terms as "slicing the baloney pretty thin." Her comment reflects the government's position that this is a meaningless word game. In practice, a dismissal has the exact same effect as a denial: the court is telling the prisoner "no," and their case cannot move forward. The government argues that allowing an appeal based on this flimsy distinction would completely subvert the finality Congress intended to create.
Despite the skepticism, this type of argument is a classic and often effective tactic in Supreme Court litigation. It offers the justices a narrow, technical path to rule for one side without having to issue a sweeping decision on a major, controversial issue. By accepting the "dismissed is not denied" theory, the Court could rule in Bowe's favor and resolve his specific case while avoiding the much larger constitutional question of how much power Congress has to limit the Supreme Court's jurisdiction.
What happens when a law designed to create quick, final decisions in criminal cases ends up creating different legal rules for prisoners in different parts of the country?
This question highlights the central tension in Bowe v. United States. On one side is Congress's clear intent to promote finality in the justice system. It created a strict gatekeeping process for prisoners seeking to challenge their convictions a second time, requiring a decision from a court of appeals within 30 days. The government argues that allowing lengthy appeals to the Supreme Court would defeat this purpose, a point echoed by Justice Alito, who found the idea of a 30-day process followed by a years-long Supreme Court appeal to be nonsensical.
On the other side is the Supreme Court's essential role in ensuring federal law is applied uniformly across the nation. The petitioner, Mr. Bowe, pointed out that the lower federal courts of appeals are currently split on the key question in his case: whether a rule for state prisoners also applies to federal prisoners. This means a federal inmate's right to bring a second challenge depends entirely on the geographic location of their trial. In some parts of the country, their claim might be heard; in others, it is automatically dismissed.
If the government is correct that Congress has barred the Supreme Court from hearing these cases, the Court cannot resolve this "circuit split." The result would be a fractured legal landscape where federal law means one thing in Texas and another in California. The case forces the justices to weigh these two competing principles. They must decide whether to honor Congress's apparent desire for speedy finality, even if it means tolerating legal inconsistency, or to assert their own authority to create a uniform rule of law, even if it disrupts the statutory scheme.
If Congress blocks the Supreme Court from reviewing a certain type of lower court decision, is there any recourse if a lower court simply ignores the law?
The U.S. government's position is that the law creates an absolute and unreviewable barrier. It argues that when a federal appeals court denies a prisoner's request to file a second challenge to their conviction, that decision is final and cannot be appealed to the Supreme Court for any reason. This interpretation prioritizes the finality that Congress sought when it created a swift, 30-day gatekeeping process for these appeals.
Justice Ketanji Brown Jackson challenged this absolute view with a pointed hypothetical. She asked the government's lawyer to imagine a scenario where a panel of appeals court judges acts lawlessly and decides to "rubber stamp" every single application as "denied" without conducting the legally required review. She questioned whether the government truly believed that even such a flagrant disregard for the law would be shielded from Supreme Court oversight.
This hypothetical probes the outer limits of Congress's power to strip the Court of jurisdiction. It raises the question of whether a jurisdictional bar can protect not just legal errors, but a complete breakdown of the judicial process itself. While the government maintained its position that the bar is absolute, Justice Jackson's question opens a potential path for the Court. The justices could decide that while they cannot review the merits of a lower court's decision, they retain a minimal power to ensure that the lower court at least performed its basic, non-discretionary legal duties.